Sunday, November 9, 2014

Migrants: Young and alone, with an uncertain future

“Every single person has a terrible story to tell. They are wounded — inside and outside.”

Giovanna Di Benedetto, Save the Children Sicily
By  World Affairs


SCOTT SIMMIE/TORONTO STAR
CATANIA, SICILY—The recording encourages tour bus passengers to look at the fountain next to the Stazione di Catania Centrale, one of Sicily’s main train stations.
It depicts the abduction of the nymph Proserpina by Pluto, intent on taking her to the underworld. She is simultaneously struggling against and succumbing to his overpowering strength. In mythology, she will eventually — but only temporarily — be restored to the world above.
Draped on the bushes surrounding the fountain are wet clothes, likely washed in the fountain. Sitting on benches nearby are teenage boys, who look out of place.
They are.
Each travelled, alone, from Eritrea (though on other days you might find boys from Somalia, Egypt, Syria).
These boys are fleeing forced conscription. But teens from elsewhere come to escape war, persecution, poverty, abuse. Some are sent by parents for a better life — or simply to earn money to send home.
All of those at the station today have made harrowing crossings of both the Sahara and the Mediterranean — jammed into smugglers’ vehicles and unseaworthy boats. For that privilege, they have paid as much as $3,500 (U.S.).
And now they are here, a waypoint until they can gather enough money to continue their voyage.
Anyone aged 11 to 17, travelling alone, is designated an “unaccompanied minor.” As of the end of September, more than 12,000 young people (94 of every 100 are male) had arrived alone in Italy this year. Each is entitled to special rights.
“Minors, under Italian law, are protected,” explains Giovanna Di Benedetto, spokesperson for Save the Children Sicily. “They cannot be deported to their countries.”
They are supposed to remain in Italy. But more than one in four, such as the boys at the train station, want to work (which is against the law), or reach other countries. So they run from a system that doesn’t have the resources to chase them.
You can find them on the sidewalks of Rome and Milan, hawking glow-in-the-dark necklaces, cheap pashminas, trinkets. You can spot them hauling crates of produce through narrow streets or picking vegetables in fields. The underground economy has an endless appetite for these youngsters, thousands of whom are scattered across Italy and beyond.
At this moment, on a Monday afternoon, four are sitting on the bench. Tomas, 15, is wearing a Dolce & Gabbana parody T-shirt. The words, using the borrowed D&G logo and font, read: Dammela e Goddo, which loosely translates as “Give it to me.”


Tomas is from Eritrea, where his father is in prison. For what, he does not say. But Tomas knows that if he had remained, he would be conscripted into mandatory military service. The minimum commitment is 1.5 years, but the actual time served can stretch far longer.
Tomas walked 12 hours from his town across the border into Ethiopia. There, smugglers took him overland to Sudan. And that is where, unquestionably, the hardest part began: nine days through Sudan and Libya via the Sahara by bus. Depending on the route, the overland portion could have been as long as 4,300 kilometres — through one of the harshest environments on the planet.
“We didn’t have enough water or food, and the bus was not built to cross the desert,” Tomas says. “It was made for 10 people, not 28.”
His trip cost $3,500 — money that has plunged his parents into debt.
“Seven people died on that trip,” says Mohammoud, one of the other teens by the fountain. “I was scared to have the same end.”
Another boy says they stopped during the nine-day Sahara ordeal to bury the dead. One of those they covered with sand, he believes, was still alive but unconscious. He tells the story flatly, void of emotion.
“Every single person has a terrible story to tell,” says Di Benedetto. “They are wounded — inside and outside.”


The Sahara was not the only ordeal. Libyan smugglers jammed the boys into a packed boat, vessels so overburdened they frequently capsize. A few days ago, the boys were rescued at sea by the Italian Coast Guard and officially “landed” at a more southerly port. They were given food, water, clothes and sandals then bused to Catania. Here, they were supposed to remain in a temporary facility until permanent accommodation could be found.
Instead, they ran. It happens all the time, especially with teens from Egypt, Eritrea and Somalia.
“We speak to them to explain the danger,” says Di Benedetto. “But most of them want to go alone to north Europe countries or Germany. . . . They know that the quality of life is better, it’s easier to find a job.”
That is the goal: find money, keep moving.
“I just want to get out of Italy,” says Tomas. “But I don’t have much money, so I’m not sure when.”
“I want to go to Sweden,” says Mohammoud. “My mission is not done yet.”
Those whose parents are indebted to smugglers are desperate to earn money they can send home. Some will wind up doing hard labour for low wages. Those eager to earn faster money, especially in Rome, may wind up selling drugs or sex.
After all they have endured, one might think that Italy’s welcome — though disorganized and fractured — would be a godsend. They could have regular meals, a bed and a little spending money. Instead, they grab food every morning at a Catholic charity and sleep on cardboard at the bus station a few blocks away.
That charity, the Caritas Diocesana Di Catania, is down a flight of stairs less than a block from the train station. The lineup starts well before 8:30 a.m., when breakfast is served. Most of those in line are migrants.
“They ask for three things,” says manager Valentina Cali. “The first is food, the second is clothes — and the third is for money to go to Rome. Minors always want to run away.”
And they do. Of the 12,164 who arrived in Italy in the first nine months of 2014, 3,163 are now off the radar. Gone.
When unaccompanied minors are rescued and brought to port, Italian authorities immediately place them in tents separate from adults. They are identified based on their apparent age, documentation they're willing to provide (many are unwilling or have none), or what they say. Rarely, an X-ray of the wrist (which can fairly accurately determine age) can be ordered.
They are then transferred to a short-term reception centre followed, as quickly as possible, by a move to community-based housing. These comunita house eight to 10 minors each and are intended to provide a homelike experience, with adult supervision and integration into Italian education and culture. On paper, the aim is a continuum of care that starts the moment they land and doesn’t end until they turn 18.
It doesn’t always work out.
The Italian system has sprung up in patchwork response to a crisis that vastly outpaces capacity. Space is at such a premium that in early October an abandoned discotheque was converted to house migrants. Many churches are filled with cots and mattresses.


“There is not a national system,” says Save the Children’s Di Benedetto. “There is no social assistance, no medical support, no activities. Only a place where the migrants sleep and eat.”
The Scuola Verde, or Green School, in the port city of Augusta on Sicily’s eastern coast, is a two-storey former school converted in April 2013 to temporarily house minors. This means the desks were taken out and cots were brought in. In some rooms, students’ art still hangs on the walls.
Young African men bide their time in an old classroom in the Green School, a converted temporary facility housing unaccompanied minors in Augusta, Sicily. Because of the flood of migrants, these men will wait months before more permanent accommodations can be found.

SCOTT SIMMIE/TORONTO STAR
Young African men bide their time in an old classroom in the Green School, a converted temporary facility housing unaccompanied minors in Augusta, Sicily. Because of the flood of migrants, these men will wait months before more permanent accommodations can be found.
Vincenzo Amato — the boys call him Enzo — runs the school with good-humoured but undeniable authority. The teens like him, even if they’re not crazy about Italian food.
Amato, 49, used to work a bureaucratic desk job in the local municipality. He had limited contact with people from other countries.
But when the school converted, he leaped at the chance to help — as did many Sicilians who fill volunteer shifts with the local civil protection agency. They are kept busy.
“This municipality has 40,000 people,” he says. “In the last two years, there have been more than 130 landings (here) and more than 45,000 migrants. There have been more migrants than citizens.
“The other centres are also full,” continues Amato, who hosted as many as 247 minors at once — the teens sleeping on cots in the hallway and taking turns for toilets and showers. “We must keep them (the minors) three months, even four.”
Even longer.
“It’s now seven months,” says a 17-year-old from Bangladesh nicknamed “MD.” He is sharing a classroom/dormitory with seven others from his country, in a room where colourful interpretations of An American in Paris drawn by former students adorn the walls. The classrooms are split by country or region of origin.
MD left home due to family problems he doesn’t detail. In Libya, he worked 12- to 14-hour days for nine months in construction, sending money to his parents and seven younger siblings. He feels pressure to do the same here, but can’t work until he is 18.
“Unless I can get a job, I can’t transfer money to Bangladesh.”
He is weary of life at the Green School. Because it was intended as a stopgap, there are few formal programs.
An Italian tutor visits, as does a psychologist and aid workers. But the most regular activity seems to be Muslim minors gathering on a crumbling concrete tennis court to pray. Their communal prayer mat is a large grey piece of industrial indoor-outdoor carpeting held in place by stones.
Minors are free to mingle in the town, which has been accepting, but they have little money and no common language or culture. So the teens eat, sleep, play listlessly on their phones (those who have them), and wait. Some shuffle down the hall aimlessly, a few bide their time with games or reading — and some simply lie on their cots, blankets pulled over heads, waiting for another day to be over.


For younger minors eager to start building a new life, the wait is excruciating.
“Every time, they tell us we will leave the day after tomorrow,” says Mohammed, a 13-year-old Egyptian who had been here 20 days. “It’s (already) been a long time. I want to go to school.”
file

SCOTT SIMMIE/TORONTO STAR
Mohammed Walid, 13.
Mohammed says he has worked since age 10, as a tuk-tuk driver and an apprentice mechanic. He is a short boy who looks younger than his stated age. Yet his eyes have a streetwise look incongruous with his height. He is disappointed with where his voyage has taken him.
“I always wanted to come here, but didn’t know it would be this difficult. I will wait until 18 and go back (to Egypt).”
Disillusionment is contagious — and already spreading to some of the 17 Egyptian teens who arrived the previous night.
Two of the newcomers are Mustafa and Taha, twin 16-year-olds who managed to plan and pay for their trip without informing their parents. They phoned them when they were already on the boat. Their father was angry, and wanted his sons to return.


If they had known what the boat trip would be like — 10 tortuous days that included rough weather, dicey boats (they transferred twice) and a near constant fear of death — they would never have come.
“From what I’ve heard from people talking, it’s not very good here,” says Taha. “If I get a chance to go back, I will.”

WATCH: Mustafa

WATCH: Taha

ANNE MARIE JACKSON
Amato has seen and heard it all: Backgrounds and circumstances so dire that risking death crossing the Sahara or the Mediterranean is a reasonable option. Once, there was an 8-year-old boy whose father had been shot in front of him before the child boarded the boat.
“They all have different stories,” Amato sums up. “But in the end, they’re all the same.”
But there is a life beyond the Green School. Those who get to a comunita will attend classes, integrate, start building their lives. It has worked out for young men like Mamadou Kebe from Senegal, and a 17-year-old from Egypt also named Mustafa.
Mustafa Nagi, 17.

SCOTT SIMMIE/TORONTO STAR
Mustafa Nagi, 17.
Mustafa arrived in the middle of the night on Aug. 10, 2013. His boat hit a sandbar 20 metres off a popular Catania beach. When the boat stopped, many — including Mustafa — jumped into the thigh-high water.
“When we got off the boat, we were able to stand,” he recalls. “And then when we started walking, the bottom dropped off.” Immediately. After surviving a Mediterranean voyage where they thought they might die, six people who could not swim drowned with land just beyond reach.

WATCH: Mustafa

ANNE MARIE JACKSON
Mustafa swam to shore, called his brother to let him know he was safe, and then the police. They brought him back to the beach — the bodies still there — to ask him questions. He was transferred, soon, to a comunita. He has learned Italian, made close friends and is part of a theatre group.
This year, the group has been performing a play called Life is Beautiful. It is about the journey migrants make — and about those who die trying. The idea was sparked by the Lampedusa tragedy — a 2013 boat catastrophe where more than 360 migrants died.


Mustafa wears a chain around his neck with an Egyptian coin — a reminder of home. He has given a similar necklace to the Italian director of the play, who has become a close friend. A devout Muslim, he looks forward to having enough money to send his parents to Mecca.
“It’s very nice here,” he says. “But I’m missing my family.”
Mamadou Kebe, an 18-year-old from Senegal, has aged out of the system. He has been in Sicily for three years. He is also part of the theatre group. And his compass is set, firmly, toward the future.
Mamadou Kebem, 18.

SCOTT SIMMIE/TORONTO STAR
Mamadou Kebem, 18.
“My hope is to find work in a place like Catania,” he says. “Find a home, form a family.”
The woman who runs the group, well-known in Rome’s theatre world, is actress and director Emanuela Pistone. She treats the minors in her troupe as members of an extended family. They, separated from parents and siblings, do likewise with her and each other.

WATCH: Emanuela Pistone

ANNE MARIE JACKSON
Pistone and her husband have become so close with one boy that they obtained permission for him to occasionally stay with them. It is not quite an adoption, but he is clearly like a son to them.
Her life, she says, has become immeasurably richer as a result of these boys, their stories, their cultures.
“They are simply human beings,” she says, emotionally. “Not numbers, as we are used to reading about. Each one of them is a person, is a human being, with a story.”


Kebe directs a message at those whose ancestors once planted roots in distant lands.
“The world turns,” he says, then repeats the phrase.
“The world turns. Immigration did not start with us. The past was you, the present is us. We are all equals. There is no difference between us.”

WATCH: Mamadou Kebe

ANNE MARIE JACKSON

On Friday, the Eritrean teens are no longer at the train station. A woman had given them five euros each, and they managed to pool a little more. With a collective fortune of 46 euros, they persuaded someone to drive them to Rome.
If lucky, they are en route to a relative or friend in another country. If not, they could be picking vegetables, selling sidewalk trinkets, or in a much darker trade. There are traffickers who look for lost boys — and leverage their desperation in troubling ways.
On the roundabout near the Stazione di Catania Centrale, the tour buses pass on the hour. With every trip, the recorded narration points out the magnificent statue in the fountain, the one where Proserpina is dragged by Pluto’s irresistible force to another world; one that will ultimately consume her.
As this bus passes, there are no boys loitering on the benches.
They are, all of them, gone.
More are on their way.
There exhausted teenagers rest, the day after being rescued at sea from a smuggler's boat. The young men were in the Green School - a former school that has been converted to house unaccompanied minors in Augusta, Sicily. If they remain, they will likely wait months before more permanent accommodation can be found.
SCOTT SIMMIE/TORONTO STAR
There exhausted teenagers rest, the day after being rescued at sea from a smuggler's boat. The young men were in the Green School - a former school that has been converted to house unaccompanied minors in Augusta, Sicily. If they remain, they will likely wait months before more permanent accommodation can be found.

Sunday, October 26, 2014

In French Port City, ‘a Real Psychosis’ - NYTimes.com







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In Calais, Resentment and Fear Amid Influx of Migrants

In Calais, Resentment and Fear Amid Influx of Migrants

CreditMarlene Awaad for The New York Times


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CALAIS, France — Charles Dufeutrelle used to donate medicine and clothes to the occasional migrant from Afghanistan who came in for coffee at La Gauloise, the bar he owns in Calais, the port city in northern France that has long been a gateway to Britain.
But after a migrant broke into the bar in 2012, Mr. Dufeutrelle, 31, bought aTaser and pepper spray, which he keeps in a drawer near the cash register. And when a group of migrants refused to leave the bar when he asked them to, he pulled out his hunting rifle to scare them away.
That time, the rifle was not loaded, Mr. Dufeutrelle said — but “next time, I will not hesitate to shoot.”
His frustration reflects the resentment and fear that have swept Calais in the last year, along with a new wave of migrants hoping to cross illegally to Britain, which they see as a better place than France to start a new life. The migrants began squatting in vacant buildings and took over shelters in the city center, angering residents and drawing warnings from the local authorities that they could lose control of portions of the city.


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NETHERLANDS
BRITAIN
GERMANY

Area of detail
Paris
SWITZ.
FRANCE
ITALY
200 MILES
London
Dover
BRITAIN
BELGIUM
Calais
Sangatte
English Channel
FRANCE
50 MILES


Many people here fear devastating repercussions for Calais, which is already suffering from 16 percent unemployment, one of the highest rates in France. Anti-migrant sentiment here has buoyed far-right groups like the National Front party, whose support surged in elections for the European Parliament this past spring.
The National Front’s leader, Marine Le Pen, visited Calais on Friday to denounce what she called the “scandalous carelessness” of the government in a city where “there is nothing left but survival of the fittest, violence.”
Her visit followed unrest in the city on Wednesday, when fights broke out between rival ethnic groups among the migrants and some tried to force their way onto Britain-bound trucks, prompting riot police to step in. Last month, four young Calais residents threw improvised firebombs at a building occupied by Egyptian migrants in the city center.
“The discontent has turned into a real psychosis,” said Emmanuel Agius, the deputy mayor of Calais and a member of the conservative Union for a Popular Movement party. “The migrants of today no longer fear breaking the laws.”
Tensions started to build in Calais more than a decade ago, in 2002, when a Red Cross center in nearby Sangatte was closed down and migrants started to camp around the port instead. The police have dismantled some camps, but the migrants have rebuilt them in new locations.
The local authorities estimate that there are 2,200 to 2,300 migrants around the city now, mostly men who have fled from Afghanistan, Egypt, Eritrea,Ethiopia, Sudan or, most recently, Syria. They wait along the highway leading to the waterfront, hoping to hide in a ferry-bound truck and sneak into Britain. Many of them speak some English and believe they can assimilate better there than in France, even though the British government is adamant about not accepting them.
Britain has called on France to do more to stop the migrants, but “we can’t control them anymore,” said Gilles Debove, a local police officer and a member of the main police union.
About 100 migrants forced their way into Calais’s port last month by tearing down barbed-wire fences. After violence flared this week, the French interior minister, Bernard Cazeneuve, said 100 more police officers would be sent to Calais.
Mr. Debove said migrants in the city took over vacant buildings, stole money and cellphones from residents, fought among themselves and sometimes sexually assaulted local women. He said 80 crimes had been reported in the city this summer involving migrants, up from six a year ago.


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French Official Strengthens Border

The French government will send police reinforcements to the port city of Calais, where increasing numbers of migrants have been gathering, the prefect for the region, Denis Robin, said.
 Publish DateOctober 24, 2014. Photo by Reuters.


In July, hundreds of migrants supported by No Border, an advocacy group, occupied a former metal factory less than a mile from City Hall. At least 100 Sudanese and Eritrean migrants filled the factory one recent day, sleeping on cardboard mats, burning discarded tennis shoes for heat and tapping old water pipes to wash their faces. The floor was littered with empty potato-chip bags and puddles of rainwater from a broken skylight.
“I tried more than 10 times to get inside a truck, but you can die,” said Hassan Abdallah, 30, who said he had fled the Darfur region of Sudan several months ago and crossed the Mediterranean in a fishing boat. “There are no other solutions for us,” he said. “The conditions in which we live force us to do that. You hide, and you think about God.”
Many residents say the situation has left them feeling stressed. Some women say they avoid walking alone in Calais at night. Bar owners say they lost business from local residents after migrants began coming in to charge their phones and use the restrooms.
Sylvie Cambie, who owns a bar called Aux Deux Moineaux, said her sales had fallen by half since Sudanese migrants moved into a shelter nearby. “When my customers see them, they walk away,” Mrs. Cambie said. “I don’t want them, I can’t stand them, and that has nothing to do with racism.”
Philippe Langlois, a guard at the city’s main cemetery, said he had gone into a rage last year when migrants occupied a small plot of land he had bought years ago. “I burned their blankets and made them leave,” Mr. Langlois said. He also padlocked the cemetery restrooms after he saw groups of migrants from a nearby camp using them.
Calais had plenty of problems before the migrants came. A mainstay industry, lacemaking, is in decline, and the city’s biggest employer, the SeaFrance ferry line, went into liquidation in 2012. Though the city is still one of the busiest ports in Europe, traffic has been diminishing, and officials say it could fall further if the migrant problem is not solved.
The situation has also angered many truck drivers, who can be fined $3,200 if they are found to have carried an illegal migrant into Britain, even unwittingly. Last month, some of them threatened to stop delivering goods to England unless the French authorities find a solution.
“If we continue on this path, the city will experience ruin,” said Mr. Agius, the deputy mayor.
The mayor has offered to turn an old community center into a shelter that would house more than 1,000 migrants, and France and Britain have announced plans to strengthen security at the port. But Mr. Dufeutrelle, the bar owner, said he did not think these steps would solve the real problem.
“We need to tell these poor souls that England is no longer an El Dorado,” he said.

Thursday, October 9, 2014

Closure of Holot brings both relief and uncertainty for asylum seekers | Middle East Eye

Israeli High Court’s decision to strike down the latest version of the Infiltrator Law is a gain for African asylum seekers
African asylum seekers protest outside Holot detention centre in Israel's Negev Desert, 17 Feb (AFP)
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Wednesday 8 October 2014 20:59 BST
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On 21 September, in a move that has brought some respite to over 50,000 Africans who have fled to Israel in recent years, the country’s High Court ruled against recent amendments to the 1954 Prevention of Infiltration Law and ordered the closure of the controversial Holot detention facility.  
The law allowed authorities to imprison newly arrived asylum seekers in a closed facility for up to one year without trial. It also enabled authorities to move certain groups of asylum seekers to the ostensibly “open” Holot facility, so described because detainees are permitted to leave at certain times, but are required to be present for roll calls throughout the day. In addition, the gates of the centre, located in a remote part of the Negev desert, are locked at night. In September’s 7-2 ruling, the court ordered the closure of Holot within 90 days and instructed authorities to relax controls on the centre’s detainees. 
The court’s decision was unprecedented, in that it was the only time it has ever nullified two versions of the same law. A previous incarnation of the Infiltrator Law enacted by the Knesset in 2012, which enabled authorities to jail asylum seekers for up to three years and in some cases longer, was struck down unanimously by the same panel of judges last year. In both cases judges cited incompatibility with the right to liberty and human dignity enshrined in Israel’s Basic Laws, which in effect serve as a constitution.
In response, government officials and conservative commentators have lashed out at a Hight Court that is out of step with the much more right-leaning legislature. Judges have been accused of overstepping their mandate and there have been calls for the judiciary to be reined in. The Israeli daily newspaper, Haaretz quoted Knesset Member Miri Regev as saying: “the Knesset gave [the court] this authority and it is the one that will limit it.”
Justice Uzi Vogelman, who authored last month’s majority ruling, stated that the law “violates human rights in an essential, deep and fundamental way.” Similarly, he said of the 2012 amendment that the limits to personal liberty were “disproportionate” and “[deviated] from the principles accepted in Israel and in the rest of the civilised world.”
Damned if they leave, damned if they don’t
The influx of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa began in the mid-2000s, gaining momentum as older routes from North Africa to Europe became increasingly restricted. However, in late 2012 a fence sealing the border with Egypt was completed, bringing migration through the Sinai to an almost total halt.   
Supporters of the Infiltration Law, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself, charge that most of the African migrants are “infiltrators” who are in the country for economic reasons. It is hard to know just how much economic factors weigh in the decisions of individuals who have made the hazardous trip to Israel, especially given the authorities’ reluctance to review asylum applications. But what is far more certain is that the two source countries where the overwhelming majority of migrants come from -Sudan and Eritrea - have notoriously poor human rights records.
According to a UNHCR survey for 2013, Eritrea, with a population of only 6.5 million, accounted for 35,000 asylum claims globally, making Eritreans the 8th largest group of new asylum claimants. The notoriously repressive Horn of Africa country consistently ranks lowest on the Reporters without Borders Press Freedom Index, below even North Korea, to which it is often likened in media reports.
The case of Dawit Weldegebriel, an Eritrean who has been in Israel for more than four years, is not entirely exceptional. He told the Middle East Eye that while he was working at a rural school in Eritrea his open criticism of the government’s education policies landed him in prison. After escaping to Sudan he and a fellow Eritrean were kidnapped by Bedouin smugglers in 2010, who then took the pair to Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. He was later released near the Israeli border after securing a ransom of $13,000.
“We crossed the border and were welcomed by Israeli soldiers,” Weldegebriel told MEE. “That day was unique for us because they welcomed us and gave us bread and water. They then brought us to Saharonim [detention centre] where we were held for a month.”
Rights groups cite systematic human rights violations as the reason so many people flee Eritrea. According to a report by Human Rights Watch, these include “long-term forced conscription and forced labour, extrajudicial killings, disappearances, torture and inhumane and degrading treatment, arbitrary arrest and detention, and restrictions on freedom of expression, conscience and movement.”
The situation is not better for most asylum seekers from Sudan, whose incumbent president Omar Al-Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court on counts of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. 
Mutassim Ali, an asylum seeker activist from Sudan’s conflict-stricken Darfur region and a Holot detainee, came to Israel in 2009. He felt that the lack of diplomatic ties between Sudan and Israel would make deportation less likely. He also believed that Israel’s history as a safe haven for Jewish refugees would make it a more welcoming place for asylum seekers than other countries. “Darfur is going through genocide and if there is anyone on the planet who can understand what genocide means it is them [the Jews],” Ali said. Now simply having visited Israel, which Sudan considers an “enemy state,” would make Ali liable for prosecution back home.
Nevertheless, Israel has been accused by rights groups of dragging its feet on the issue of asylum reviews, refusing to grant refugee status to a single Sudanese asylum seeker while rejecting 99.9 percent of Eritrean applications for asylum. This is in spite of the fact that Sudanese nationals make up the world’s 4th largest refugee population, while over 80 percent of Eritrean asylum seekers are afforded protection in countries such as Norway, Italy and the UK.
State lawyers say they do not forcefully deport Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers en masse because of obligations under international law and, in the case of Sudan, a lack of diplomatic ties. But according to Human Rights Watch and other critics of the government’s stance on asylum seekers, the state’s policies have coerced many asylum seekers into returning home despite documented cases of returnees suffering various abuses in their countries of origin. Government officials themselves have made no attempt to conceal such intentions. In 2012, then Interior Minister Eli Yishai said bluntly of asylum seekers that he aimed to “lock them up and make their lives miserable.”   
Backlash from the right
The working class neighbourhood of Neve Sha’anan in south Tel Aviv is home to the world’s second largest bus station. It is also a place where many asylum seekers have settled, including Weldegebriel. “Every month they bring people from the prisons and dump them at the Central Bus Station at Levinski Park in Tel Aviv,” he said.  “People do not know where to go. They don’t know Hebrew, they don’t have any money. People were really suffering and decided to create their own life in the Neve Sha’anan area.”
Ali and many other asylum seekers and activists say they sympathise with local residents who feel threatened by the presence of large numbers of poor, unemployed newcomers in what was already an economically marginalised part of the city. They say asylum seekers have difficulty finding work because of ambiguous regulations and complex bureaucratic procedures, while government neglect has created a powder keg of social tensions in Neve Sha’anan.
A similar sentiment is echoed by Shula Keshet, a gender activist from Neve Sha’anan, who says that the government’s de facto policy of shepherding migrants into poor Mizrahi communities without providing alternatives has created ghettoes of poverty. This has created fertile ground for xenophobia which, coupled with the hostile response to the High Court’s recent ruling, has tempered the hopes of asylum seekers.
On the evening of 5 October, for the second consecutive night, scores of anti-immigrant protesters descended on Levinski Park carrying black flags with “bagatz” (the Hebrew acronym for the High Court) written in white letters. The crowd shouted “Sudanese to Sudan!” as nervous African immigrants looked on. On several occasions police intervened to stop protesters attacking the bystanders.
May Golan, a 28 year-old protest organiser, condemned the court’s 21 September ruling, saying: “we didn’t choose the [court’s] judges, we chose members of the Knesset and we demand they protect us. We demand they give us another law or take down the authority of the judges.” Golan, who has gained a reputation as fierce anti-immigrant campaigner, counts Michael Ben-Ari, an ultranationalist former Knesset member who attended the protest, as one of her political patrons.
For now, asylum seekers remain caught in a legal limbo and face a future of worrying uncertainty as they wait to see what the government’s next move will be. “Right wing politicians will do whatever they can to make out situation miserable. I know we have a lot to do moving forward to get our rights,” said Weldegebriel.
- See more at: http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/closure-holot-brings-both-relief-and-uncertainty-asylum-seekers-598788973#sthash.ZIWU6r5k.dpuf

Friday, October 3, 2014

UNHCR - Eritrean survivor of Lampedusa tragedy returns to honour the dead, meet Pope Francis







Eritrean survivor of Lampedusa tragedy returns to honour the dead, meet Pope Francis

News Stories, 2 October 2014


© UNHCR
Eritrean refugee Letebrhane and other survivors of the October 3, 2013 Lampedusa boat tragedy meet Pope Francis before returning to the Italian island to remember the dead one year later.
LAMPEDUSA ISLAND, Italy, October 3 (UNHCR) – Almost a year after she nearly lost her life off the tiny Italian island of Lampedusa, Letebrhane from Eritrea will overcome her fear of the sea and return to remember the thousands who have lost their lives trying to reach Europe across the Mediterranean on smugglers' boats.
The 24-year-old said she never wanted to see the sea again after the old boat she had boarded in Libya sank within sight of Lampedusa on October 3, 2013, leaving 368 people dead and just 155 survivors.
"When I heard about the possibility to return to Lampedusa for the commemoration, I was afraid and all the images I had in my head suddenly came back," said the young woman, who now lives as a registered refugee in Norway. She was referring to an official ceremony to take place Friday on Italy's southernmost territory.
"I never wanted to see the sea again. Then I realized how important it was for me to be there. I thank God because, to me, surviving October 3 was like being born a second time." She will attend tomorrow's commemoration in Lampedusa with other survivors. The group had a private audience with Pope Francis in Rome on Wednesday.
Letebrhane had left Eritrea in 2012 to escape compulsory military service in Eritrea. She could not even say goodbye to her family for fear they would be too worried. Only her best friend, Senait, travelled with her, and together they hoped to reach Europe and safety.
It took the pair one-and-a-half years to reach the coast of Libya, after crossing Sudan and travelling through the Sahara on crowded pick-ups, sold from smuggler to smuggler along the way. Letebrhane said they were frequently threatened and beaten en route; many women were sexually abused. Some of their travel companions died of thirst and exhaustion.
After surviving these ordeals and reaching Libya, they decided they could never go back the way they had come. "I knew the sea [journey to Europe] was dangerous, I had heard many terrible stories, but I had no other way. There was nowhere else to go," Letebrhane stressed.
She added that before the boat left, she and Senait were locked in a building in a remote area with scores of other people until there were enough for a boatload. Conditions were terrible and they had barely enough to eat.
The two Eritrean friends boarded the smuggling boat near Tripoli on October 2, 2013. After 24 hours at sea, they finally saw the lights of Lampedusa at four in the morning. They were close enough to see moving car headlights.
Then someone lit a blanket to try and attract the attention of other boats nearby. But this sparked panic on board, Letebrhane recalled, and people rushed to one side to escape the flames, causing the vessel to take on water and founder.
Most of those who survived were on deck, while many women and children were below water and could not escape in time. Letebrhane said she held onto the boat, only letting go when it sank beneath the waves on its deadly and tragic journey to the bottom. Senait was among the dead.
The scale of the disaster stunned the Italian nation and made headlines worldwide. There was great mourning and anger on Lampedusa at the failure to address the mounting number of crossings from North Africa and the attendant dangers.
As a result of this tragedy and a second sinking that left 268 Syrian refugees dead on October 11, the Italian government launched its "Mare Nostrum" operation, which has since saved more than 140,000 people to date.
But the sea crossings continue and the number of people losing their lives rises. Since that fateful day one year ago, more than 3,600 have died or gone missing in the crossing, many of them refugees fleeing from war and persecution.
UNHCR has urged European states to provide legal alternatives to the irregular crossings and thus help save lives. Letebrhane, meanwhile, will be back in Lampedusa tomorrow, happy to be alive but devastated for those lost at sea.
By Iosto Ibba and Barbara Molinario in Rome, Italy
A UNHCR report "So close, yet so far from safety", is available athttp://www.unhcr.org/542c07e39.html